The TYRANNY of a Nigeria majority

The TYRANNY of a Nigeria majority

A quick scan through Nigeria’s history reveals that, among the many disparate ethnic groups that make up the nation, some have benefited from the colonial construct while others have been disadvantaged in it. The biggest losers by far is the Ndigbo (South-East), who are yet to recover from the dehumanisation of the civil war and still undergo great injustices even today, being victims of extremism whenever religious crisis erupts in Northern Nigeria.


Next are the denizens of the Niger-Delta (South-South), whose land has given the nation so much wealth, but a majority of whom live in abject poverty, as a result of shameful neglect and inadequate leadership. Yet another marginalised group are the many Northern Christian and Middle-belt minorities (North-Central), who produce a great portion of the nation’s food, but who have little or no say in how they are governed and are dominated by the “Core” North. These three regions are bereft of some dignity in Nigeria, and it is from them that Jonathan got majority of his votes.

Take a look at the makeup of federal Institutions (like the civil service and military), our banking sector and even the oil industry, and you can verify that Nigerians from the “Core” North and the South-West enjoy advantages that others from the three aforementioned groups do not. The advent of democracy introduced the Federal Character Principle as a means to address this clear imbalance. Yet, only superficial progress – such as appointing more individuals from minority ethnicities to leadership positions – has been made. Recruitment drives and promotion exercises in key government agencies still propagate disparity. In a nation built on the idea of equity, what began as a result of colonial favouritism (“Core” North), educational advantages (South-West) and dictatorships (“Core” North, again), is now deepening to become lasting social, economic and political benefits. Whether purposefully or coincidentally, the risk of perpetual domination exists. This makes the fear of subjugation a justified fear. And as a Nigerian from Southern Kaduna (northern Christian minority), I share this fear.

Kaduna state is a microcosm of the Nigerian nation. In 2011, many (if not most) from a marginalised ethnicity like those in Southern Kaduna identified with Jonathan. We projected ourselves onto him. We believed his presidency would be a means to redress the inequity in our Nigerian experience. The people of Southern Kaduna came out in great numbers to vote for him, and hundreds paid for that support with their lives in the post-electoral violence, which erupted when his victory was confirmed. We also celebrated the election of the first Kaduna State governor from Southern Kaduna, Patrick Yakowa. Unfortunately, our joy was short-lived, as Patrick Yakowa was killed in a helicopter crash along with the former National Security Adviser Gen. Azazi (Rtd.), while returning from a funeral in Bayelsa state in December 2012, less than 2 years into his tenure. 

Since Yakowa’s death, the Southern Kaduna people have endured great terror. Historically, we and many similar farming communities across the nation have clashed with the Nomadic, cattle-rearing Fulani herdsmen. It is not difficult to imagine how, from time to time, misunderstandings can erupt between a group that works hard to cultivate crops and another that travel great distances in search of pasture for its animals. Minor skirmishes frequently ensue, which eventually peter out with minimal casualties on both sides. Over the past 2 years, this dynamic has been altered greatly. The herdsmen, who have gotten their hands on military grade weaponry, routinely invade Southern Kaduna. They murder people who are out working their land, they enter churches and slaughter people who are worshipping their God, they sack villages, killing indiscriminately – women, children, aged – committing atrocities approaching genocide. Google Bondong, Fadan Attakar, Zankan and Fadan Karshi to see for yourself the death and destruction that has been wrought on the Southern Kaduna people. 

And it is not just Southern Kaduna, the peoples of Benue, Nassarawa and Taraba have also experienced similar dehumanisation over the past couple of years. We’ve cried out for help. Yet, the only federal acknowledgement of our troubles that I remember came from one of Jonathan’s media advisors (Doyin Okupe, I think), who told the people of Southern Kaduna to be quiet, as we were only out to tarnish the reputation of Jonathan’s Administration. Jonathan sat back while people who voted him into power were slaughtered, and did nothing. It then dawned on me – I may identify with Jonathan, I can even project the yearnings of my people unto a fellow marginalised Nigerian – but the fact is that Jonathan does NOT identify with me. Many, with similar backgrounds like myself, came to the same realisation. By his actions, or inaction in this case, Jonathan wouldn’t be affected in anyway if the Southern Kaduna man is wiped off the face of the nation. Neither has he shown any concern with the continued slaughter of peoples across the North-Central region. Just as he did nothing to combat the atrocities committed by Boko Haram throughout the North-East, until he realised that his chances of re-election was in jeopardy.

Yet, given the alternative to Jonathan was to support Buhari, a man of Fulani descent, a man whose kinsmen have been primarily responsible for the massacre of the peoples from Southern Kaduna to Taraba State, it should be of little surprise that majority of these people still voted for Jonathan. For them, this election became a straight choice between either maintaining an insecure but “more dignified” status-quo or risking the return of a subjugated existence. They were forced to support a mediocre incumbent, rather than put their trust in an upright but imperfect challenger who is of the same ethnicity as those terrorising them. Also, the peoples of the South-East and South-South regions, in their perception, were faced with a similar pair of poisonous options, which explains the choice they went with. And with the outcome of the election, the fact is that there is valid reason to be wary. 

It is undeniable that the Nigerian state has not been as generous to the South-East, South-South and North-Central regions, as it has been to the “Core” North and South-West. And these are the two regions where the President-Elect and his vice hail from. In APC’s campaign manifesto –  there are a lot of wonderful ideas on how to get Nigeria progressing in the short and medium term. However, on the crucial question of national unity, the critical thing that ensures a successful Nigerian nation, there is only a vague entry that states: “Initiate policies to ensure that Nigerians are free to live and work in any part of the country by removing state of origin, tribe, ethnic and religious affiliations and replace those with state of residence.” Not only is this wholly inadequate, but it also carries a negative connotation to groups who already feel marginalised and under siege. Yet it is understandable that the main beneficiaries of a lopsided arrangement are blind to the inequalities it has engendered, and hence are unable to proffer solutions, no matter how well-meaning they may be. 

By Chet Biliyok, Ph.D.

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