Understanding social realities of the Biafran self determination agitation – South East Human Rights |
The
leaderships of the Southeast based Coalition of Human Rights Organizations; comprising
the Anambra State Branch of Civil
Liberties Organization (CLO), International Society for Civil Liberties &
the Rule of Law (Intersociety), Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy
(CHRPA), Human Rights Club(HRC) (a project of LRRDC), Southeast Good Governance
Forum (SGGF), Forum for Equity, Justice & Defense of Human Rights (FEJDHR),
Society Advocacy Watch Project (SPAW), Anambra Human Rights Forum (AHRF) and
the International Solidarity for Peace & Human Rights Initiative
(INTERSOLIDARITY) having observed the recent socio-political developments
and events in the Southeast Nigeria; collectively wish to take a firm stand on
the issues so generated.
Issues
generated by the events warranting our firm stance: These are issues of high public importance
affecting the Southeast Geopolitical Zone, leading to recent socio-political happenings
that shook the foundation of the zone for the first time since the end of the
Nigerian-Biafran Civil War in 1970.These are:( 1) mass movement and peaceful
agitations for self determination by millions of people of the Southeast and
the South-south zones; otherwise referred as Biafran agitation; and response
of the Buhari administration including his divide-in-rule approaches to same; (2)
shameful roles of compromised individuals and groups of the Southeast
extraction who parade themselves as “Igbo elders” or “Igbo political leaders”. The
despicable roles also include those of compromised traditional rulers, activists
and APC puppets, using different names and mushroom bodies such as
“Ohanaeze Ndigbo”, “Igbo Conscience Leaders”, etc to get influenced
presidentially so as to disparage the mass and legitimate agitations by their
own people and lend soiled support to age-long injustices against the people of
the zone including continued unconstitutional incarceration without fair trial
of Citizen Nnamdi Kanu since 14th October 2015; a period of 39 days.
Others
are (3) un-priestly and compromised third party roles of some
men-of-God in the like of Reverend Father Ejike Mbaka and Bishop Mathew Hassan
Kukah’s manifest bias position on the issue when he contacted our Coalition
recently in the guise of “mediation”. We
are fully aware too of plans that have reached an advanced stage by the
Presidency to continue its “divide-and-rule” approaches by using
puppet-leaders of churches to further denounce and disassociate themselves from
the agitations. Some paid media reporters have also been hired to blackmail and
coerced leading traditional institutions and popular social bodies in the
Southeast into joining in condemnation of the agitations including by
pretending to seek to get their opinions on the raging agitations; for the
purpose of deliberately quoting them out of context (i.e. Obi of Onitsha’s
reported disassociation of himself from the agitations whereupon he was said to
have been deliberately misquoted).
Also
critically evaluated are (4) the social realities of the Southeast
self determination agitation or its remote and immediate factors or reasons and
the universal reality of assertion of the right to self determination using non
violence, (5) sustained or continued threat to ethnic identity of the people of
the Southeast zone in Nigeria as well as (6) political enslavement of the zone and
its age-long structural injustice. We further looked into and considered the
sorry state of (6) federal infrastructures in the Southeast zone including the acutely deplorable
condition of federal roads in the zone (i.e. Onitsha-Enugu,
Enugu-Nsukka-Oturkpo, Enugu-Port Harcourt, Owerri-Port Harcourt and Aba-Ikot
Ekpene) , abandonment of the 2nd Niger Bridge project, the skeletal
status of the Akanu Ibiam International Airport in Enugu, the continued
moribund status of the railway system in the zone, absence of a standard
seaport or wharfs and general abdication of federal responsibilities by the
Federal Government in the Southeast zone. Identified and condemned too is the (7)
abysmal performance of the Southeast Governors Forum and its lack of clear
vision and development insights for the zone.
We also
considered it as utmost important and immediacy the need for establishment (8)
of the Southeast Development Commission and the Federal Ministry for Southeast Affairs.
Lastly identified was the need and public importance of the immediate (9) construction of a federal bridge linking
Anambra State through Ogwuikpere Community in Ogbaru LGA in the Southeast zone
and Rivers State through Ndoni Community in Rivers State in the South-south
zone. The important bridge, when constructed, will facilitate easy and shorter
movement of goods and services from Port Harcourt wharfs and the South-south
zone to the Southeast zone in less than one-and-a half hour. This project being
demanded can be jointly funded by the Southeast Governors Forum through the
Southeast Joint Development Trust Funds, which should be established
urgently; if the Federal Government chooses otherwise.
Vox
Populi (voice of the people): It is very important to point out that the peaceful protests that swept
across the entire Southeast and the South-south zones as well as in various
countries across the globe are purely the voice of the people or mass
movement oiled by mass conscience and consciousness and fueled by
unaddressed and sustained social injustices against the peoples of the two
zones. In the history of civil revolutions, issue of sponsorship is dead on
arrival. The mass protests under reference were strictly built on immortal
dictum of you can deceive the people some time but they cannot be deceived all
the time.
The
Federal Government’s divide-and-rule approach adopted to
address the thorny issue is also not only a fire brigade approach,
but also roundly condemned. Organizing compromised and faceless groups to issue
public statements disassociating, denouncing or renouncing the earth-shaking
mass protests is not only counterproductive, but also a further enslavement of
the race raising their hallowed voices against enslavement and their identity
slavery. By accepting crumbs from the presidency to disown the masses of the
Southeast and the South-south including their sacred lands and cosmic ancestors;
instead of identifying, cataloguing and articulating the age-long injustices
responsible for the mass agitation, the profiteers and merchants of human miseries
under reference stand totally condemned, shamed and have their integrity and
relevance ruined forever before their own people; be they priests, religious
leaders, politicians, elders, traditional rulers or public office holders!
Constitutional
& Global realities of the Southeast (Biafran) self determination agitation:
It is our firm stand that rights of the people
to existence, development and self determination; irrespective of their race,
colour, religion, ethnicity or class, are internationally and regionally
preserved and protected provided they do not use or advocate violence. Though
the success of using violence to advocate for and achieve these rights is
determined by the doctrine of necessity (i.e. Eritrea from Ethiopia in 1993,
South Sudan from Sudan in 2011, Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia & Herzegovinian,
Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro from Yugoslavia in 1991/2), but violence of
any kind is abhorred and prohibited locally, regionally and internationally.
Our collective sympathy for the assertion of rights to existence, development
and self determination by the people or race under reference is built
on two strong premises of use of non violence and the fact
that the Nigerian Constitution, regional and international treaties recognize and
protect the rights in question.
Rights to life, dignity of human person,
personal liberty, freedom of expression, movement, peaceful assembly and
association and freedom from discrimination are expressly provided in
Sections 33, 34, 35, 36, 40, 41 and 42 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal
Republic of Nigeria. Rights to existence, development and self determination
are also provided in Article 20, etc of the African Charter on Human & Peoples
Rights of 1981; ratified and domesticated by Nigeria in 1983. The right
to self determination is also provided in Article 1 of the International Covenant on
Civil & Political Rights of 1976, signed and ratified by Nigeria in
1993. It is also empirically established that countries in the world have
periodically reviewed their concept of togetherness or separation and of the
two major available approaches: peaceful and violent means; peaceful means
remain the international best practices; which is why we constitutionally
sympathize with the Southeast Nigeria’s self determination agitators owing to
their non violent approaches.
Social injuries behind the self
determination agitation in Southeast: It is our finding too that there are
three
social injustices or injuries responsible for the spirit behind the
increased tempo of the Southeast (Biafran) self determination agitation. These
are: (a) sustained or continued threat to the ethnic identity of the
people of the Southeast Nigeria leading to them being treated as leprous
ethnic nationality or third class citizens of the Nigerian Federation
in the country’s socio-political project.
Others are:(b) continued political
enslavement of the zone; heightened by the Muhammadu Buhari
administration’s resurged politics of exclusion and vindictiveness clearly
targeted at the zone; and (c) structural injustice or imbalance against
the zone in creation, allocation, composition and appointment of federal political
and economic structures, infrastructures and persons. All of these are in
deliberate and fragrant violation of Section 14 (3) of the 1999 Constitution.
They also violate and threaten the foundation of the 1999 Constitution which is
laid on the sacred principles of Freedom, Equality & Justice.
Statistics: Out of the country’s
current 774 Local Government Areas (LGAs) spread across its six geopolitical
zones: Southeast zone with only 5 States is given the least number: 95 LGAs;
whereas two States in the Northwest zone alone: Kano and Jigawa have 77 LGAs.
The two States used to be one State (Kano) until 1996 when it was divided into
Kano and Jigawa States. Also Northwest zone has the highest number of
LGAs: 186, followed by Southwest zone with 138 LGAs; South-south 123
LGAs; North-central 115 LGAs and Northeast 112 LGAs. It is important to inform
that federal allocation of resources to the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria
is dependent on the number of Local Government Areas in each zone; likewise
federal elective and appointive offices. The six geopolitical zonal structures were
designed for Nigeria in the 1993/4 Constitutional Conference to ensure fairness
and equality in distribution of national wealth, resources, infrastructures and
federal public offices and their holders. This is also reinforced by Section 14
(3) of the 1999 Constitution. But this arrangement was brutally manipulated structurally
by then Hausa-Fulani ruling military oligarchs and has remained so till date.
The same structural imbalance and
injustice is also inherent in the number of Senatorial and House of Reps seats
or districts/constituencies in the country’s six geopolitical zones; whereby
out of the country’s 109 Senatorial seats/districts, Southeast zone has the least
number of 15; whereas the Northwest zone is given 21;
followed by Southwest, South-south, North-central and Northeast zones with 18
each. Out of the country’s 360 House of Reps seats/constituencies spread
geopolitically, Southeast zone is again allocated with the least number of 43;
whereas the Northwest zone is given 92; followed by the Southwest zone with
71; South-south 55; North-central 49; and Northeast 48. Out of the country’s 36
State structures, Southeast zone has the least number with five, whereas the
Northwest zone is the highest number of seven while rest of the four zones
(North-central, Northeast, South-south and Southwest) has six States each.
In the country’s six geopolitical
allocation of registered voters (RVs) and permanent voters’ cards (PVCs)
distributed in March 2015; totalling 68, 833, 000 RVs and 55, 904, 000 PVCs;
Southeast zone got the least registered voters of 7,665,000 and PVCs of
6,614,000; whereas the Northwest zone got the highest RVs and PVCs of
17,620,000 and PVCs of 16,098, 000 respectively; followed by Southwest zone
with 13, 731, 000 RVs and 8,965,000 PVCs; South-south zone 10, 059,000 RVs and
8, 365,000 PVCs; Northeast zone 9,107,000 RVs and 7,722,000 PVCs; and
North-central zone with 9,767,000 RVs
and 7, 651,000 PVCs.
Out of 34, 120 kilometers of federal
roads spread across the country’s six geopolitical zones as at 2011, Southeast
zone has the least number of kilometers of 3,231; whereas the North-central
zone including the Federal Capital Territory (Abuja) has the highest kilometers
of 9,756; followed by Northeast 6, 787; Northwest 6,363; Southwest 4,161; and
South-south 4, 150. And of all these, the federal roads in the Southeast and
the South-south zones are most acutely deplorable and rapaciously abandoned.
Few of them that are asphalted and made usable were done by host States’
Governors with their unpaid reimbursement sums running into tens of billions of
naira till date.
In the area of federal public office
holders in Nigeria drawn from the six geopolitical zones, the Southeast zone is
abysmally represented. For instance, no senior police officer from the zone is
among the current heads of the country’s 12 Police Zonal Commands and the few
serving AIGs from the zone have since gone on statutory retirement leaving the
zone no known serving AIGs out of the country’s current Police AIGs of at least
22.
All these are owing to age-long
deliberate policy designed to stunt their promotions and posting till in the
twilight of their statutory retirements when they are given retirement
promotions. The composition of CPs and AIGs’ cadres of the Nigeria
Police Force is also grossly lopsided in fragrant breach of Section 14 (3) of
the 1999 Constitution. The same gross lopsided composition is the case in the
Nigerian Custom, Nigerian Immigration Service, the Nigerian Prisons Service,
the DSS, the NIA, Army, Navy and the Air Force. In the headships of SPUs, ATSs,
SARS, Federal Highway Police, the Mobile Police and Border Police composition
and headship in the Nigeria Police Force; same is the case; likewise the
country’s federal Appeal and Federal High Court and Appeal and Supreme Court
Judges and Justices in which the zone is acutely represented. The same gross
lopsidedness and exclusion are the order of the day in federal ministers,
directors, headships of federal executive bodies as well as Service Chiefs and
other top non ministerial federal appointments.
Addressing the issues thrown up by
the agitation: Deployment of huge State resources that should be put for
good public use; into influencing and compromising some individuals and groups
so as to quench the raging agitations will end up escalating the issue
and possibly blow same out of proportion and push the agitators to a radical
and uncontrollable end, which may lead to another round of insurgency. This is
more so when the leading brains behind the agitating movement (IPOB) are
scattered across the globe. The Federal Government must be told in a clear term
that those being compromised and influenced to recant are completely not in
control of the agitating movement and millions of its supporters and
sympathizers. These sets of conformist individuals and groups have long
disgraced themselves and lost touch with the mainstream grassroots of the
Southeast zone. Which is why to justify crumbs so federally received, they end
up on the pages of newspaper with their tainted faces and faceless and mushroom
groups.
The Federal Government must stop
chasing shadows and critically look inwards so as to study and identify those
issues that have remained unaddressed till date that resulted to the
earth-shaking agitations in the Southeast and the South-south zones. The first
critical step is to withdraw all trumped charges leveled against Citizen Nnamdi
Kanu and order for his immediate and unconditional release from the DSS
captivity. A Nigeria of pluralism and democratic constitutionalism, equality
and fairness with no distinction in theory and practice as to ethnicity, place
of birth, education, sex, class, oligarchic or aristocratic background and
religion is always a preferred option and can be safely described as a
united Nigeria. But a Nigeria of the opposite remains the worst option,
while assertion of right to independent statehood is its best alternative. This
is because it is better to live free in a land flowing with poverty than to
live buoyantly in a land shackled and manacled by chains of slavery and
enslavement.
To assuage the earth-shaking
agitations and placate the people of the Southeast zone, all the age-long
structural imbalances must be redressed especially the country’s geopolitical
imbalances including lopsidedness in the number of States, LGAs, Senatorial
Districts, Federal Constituencies, Federal Roads, Fiscal Allocations and
geopolitical compositions of the field formations and headships of the Army,
Police, Air Force, Navy, DSS, NIA, FRSC, Prisons and Customs.
Others to be geopolitically
revisited with lenses of equality and fairness are the headships of the
Federal Executive Bodies and the Federal Ministries, Parastatals and
Departments (MDAs); likewise the Federal High Court, Appeal Court and Supreme
Court Judges and Justices. Principle of geopolitical equality and fairness must
also be applied to the letter in all other relevant and related offices and
bodies. Each of the six geopolitical zones must be given equal number of
States, LGAs, Senatorial Districts, Federal Constituencies and revenue
allocations, federal projects execution and building and maintenance of federal
infrastructures including roads, rail, aviation, health, education, water and
other social facilities.
Signed:
For:
Coalition of Southeast Based Human Rights Orgaizations (CSBHROs):
1. Emeka Umeagbalasi (+23474090052 (office)
For: International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule
of Law (Intersociety)
2. Comrade Aloysius Attah (+2348035090548)
For: Anambra State Branch of the Civil Liberties Organization
(CLO)
3. Comrade Peter Onyegiri (+2347036892777)
For: Center for Human Rights & Peace Advocacy (CHRPA)
4. Comrade Samuel Njoku (+2348039444628)
For: Human Rights Club (a project of LRRDC)(HRC)
5. Justus Uche Ijeoma, Esq.(+2348037114869)
For: Forum for Justice, Equity & Defense of Human Rights
(FJEDHR)
6. Comrade Chike Umeh ( +2348064869601)
For: Society Advocacy Watch Project (SPAW)
7. Obianuju Joy Igboeli, Esq. (+2348034186332)
For: Anambra Human Rights Forum (AHRF)
8. Comrade Alex Olisa(+2348034090410)
For: Southeast Good Governance Forum (SGGF)
9. Jerry Chukwuokolo, PhD (+2348035372962)
For: International Solidarity for Peace & Human Rights
Initiative (ITERSOLIDARITY)
(Onitsha-Nigeria, 22nd November 2015)
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